- Reaction score
- 0
- Points
- 360
E.R. Campbell said:But, bear in mind, please, that numbers, even HUGE numbers of ships, aircraft, tanks and howitzers means little if there is no fuel, ineffective logistics, poor maintenance and indifferent training.
excerpts:
Special North Korean amphibious units would land and strike these targets from the sea.
North Korea has 300 old Soviet-era AN-2 biplanes that carry 10 commandos each. Invisible to radar because they are made of fabric and hug the earth, the AN-2's would air assault suicide squads into US and ROK airbases.
source:
Eric S. Margolis is an award-winning, internationally syndicated columnist, writing mainly about the Middle East and South Asia. Comments: letters@thesundaily.com
Sun Daily link
Time for a preemptive strike against North Korea? Some say yes
At the office of the secretary of Defense in the Pentagon, a plan for a preemptive military attack on North Korea was being presented to “a small, grim group.”
“The plan was impressive,” recalled an official who was at the presentation by US military strategists. “It could be executed with only a few days’ alert, and it would entail little or no risk of US casualties during the attack.”
It was also designed to have a low risk of North Korean casualties. But it allowed for some troubling contingencies.
“In particular, we wanted the plan to fully reflect that nuclear weapons were not the only weapons of mass destruction that North Korea had been working on. They clearly had chemical weapons, and their interest in biological weapons and ballistic missiles was also evident,” the official recalled. “We all knew that we were poised on the brink of a war that might involve weapons of mass destruction.”
The official was then-Secretary of Defense William Perry, and the year was 1994. He recounts the episode in a book he cowrote with Ashton Carter, who is now the No. 2 civilian at the Pentagon: “Preventive Defense: A New Security Strategy for America.”
Such an attack didn’t occur in 1994, but today, in the face of North Korea’s belligerence, some are suggesting that the Pentagon dust off its plans.
“They have made a threat, and they have made a weapon – and it seems to me that is a legitimate reason for self-defense,” says Jeremi Suri, a professor of history and public affairs at the University of Texas, Austin.
“We don’t want the Iranians, or North Koreans, or anyone else thinking it’s not – and if we wait for the next threat, the damage could be far worse,” Dr. Suri argues. “The safest thing to do is to destroy this weapon on the launchpad.”
It is an argument that Suri made in a New York Times op-ed on Friday entitled, “Bomb North Korea, Before It’s Too Late.”
“President Obama should state clearly and forthrightly that this is an act of self-defense in response to explicit threats from North Korea and clear evidence of a prepared weapon,” Suri writes.
“And he should explain that this is a limited defensive strike on a military target – an operation that poses no threat to civilians – and that America does not intend to bring about regime change. The purpose is to neutralize a clear and present danger. That is all,” he writes.
Suri says that the feedback he has received on his piece has run the spectrum, from those who accuse him of being a warmonger to US military planners sympathetic to the idea.
“A lot are frustrated that we’re playing this game with North Korea every year,” he says.
The consequences of a strike could be dire, Suri concedes. North Korean leader Kim Jong-un could decide, for example, to fire off some of the thousands of artillery rounds in his possession toward Seoul, South Korea, potentially killing tens of thousands of people.
But there’s some likelihood that Kim will instead “save face at home by saying, ‘Look, we’re so important that they have to attack us’ and retaliate instead on a smaller scale,” Suri says.
This might include “trying to assassinate someone in South Korea or attacking an island” – in other words, one of the responses they have tried in the past.
“My belief is that if we take out this missile now, and we make it clear it’s an act of self-defense, the choice they have is face suicide or not respond,” Suri says. “I think they will choose not to commit suicide.”
Indeed, it might boil down “to being the best of bad options,” he says.
It is similar to an argument that Messrs. Perry and Carter recall making in their book.
“I went over the ‘talking points’ prepared by my staff, which sketched out how we should explain to the president the difficult choice he had to make,” they wrote.
As the assistant secretary of Defense for international security policy, Carter supported the development of the strike plan.
Perry decided to begin his briefing to the president with a statement attributed to John Kenneth Galbraith: “Politics is not the art of the possible. Rather it consists of choosing between what is disastrous and what is merely unpalatable.”
“We were about to give the president a choice between a disastrous option – allowing North Korea to get a nuclear arsenal, which we might have to face someday – and an unpalatable option, blocking this development, but thereby risking a destructive non-nuclear war,” they wrote. “How had we gotten to this position?”
President Clinton was “within minutes of selecting and authorizing” a deployment option when the meeting was interrupted by a phone call from former President Carter, who had been dispatched to North Korea to negotiate on behalf of the United States. Kim Il-sung, then the aging leader of the regime, had agreed to negotiate.
What will happen this time?
Must China Fear a Unified Korea?
The recent crisis on the Korean Peninsula has once again brought to the fore China’s support for North Korea, which many deem vital for Pyongyang’s survival. In explaining this support analysts typically cite two factors: Beijing’s fear that the North Korean regime’s collapse will bring untold numbers of refugees across the border into China, and Beijing’s fear of a unified, democratic, and pro-American Korea under Seoul’s leadership with a large U.S. troop presence stationed on the Sino-Korean border.
These factors probably accurately reflect Beijing’s strategic calculus. However, although possible, it’s not at all clear that a unified Korea under Seoul’s tutelage would in fact be as pro-American as Western and (presumably) Chinese policymakers assume. A number of factors could undermine this assumption.
Read more...
Canadian café owners serve up coffee with a view of North Korea
MARK MacKINNON
DANDONG, CHINA — The Globe and Mail
Published Tuesday, Apr. 16 2013, 8:53 PM EDT
Vancouverites own more than their share of coffee shops. But none of those java joints offers the front-row seat to unfolding international drama that you get at Peter’s Coffee House.
A 20 yuan (about $3) cup of cappuccino at Peter’s Coffee House comes with a view of the trucks that lumber each morning across the dark-metal frame of the Friendship Bridge that links this comparatively glittering corner of northeastern China to the greyness that is North Korea on the opposite bank of the Yalu River. Owners Kevin and Julia Garratt, Vancouverites who have lived in China since 1984, serve cheesecake, coffee and Western breakfasts to Dandong’s tiny crowd of foreigners plus the growing number of tourists who come here hoping for a peek inside the Hermit Kingdom next door.
These days, the bridge is a crucial indicator of how much support the paranoid regime of Kim Jong-un has left. North Korea has for weeks been threatening war against South Korea and its ally the United States, bringing tensions on the Korean Peninsula to their highest point in years.
Even China, North Korea’s only remaining ally, has started to openly question the leadership in Pyongyang. Beijing supported tighter sanctions against its unpredictable friend after the Kim regime ignored its advice and detonated a nuclear device in February.
Despite those sanctions, Mr. Garratt said Tuesday that trade across the Friendship Bridge appears routine. Business is also good in the Dandong supermarkets where North Koreans load up with Western and luxury goods. Some banking avenues have been shut, but it remains possible to send cash from accounts in China into Pyongyang.
Still, drivers who cross the border every day say they’re no longer bringing in materials that could have a military use, and those who have helped fleeing North Koreans say there are tighter controls in place over who crosses the border.
Chinese trucks cross the Yalu each morning laden with everything from bags of rice and cans of cooking oil to new cars and kitchen appliances. Each afternoon, the trucks return empty. The North Korean side pays for the Chinese goods either with hard currency carried across the border by hand or with coal that is shipped into China by train.
“Last week we saw hundreds of trucks going in because [Monday] was the Day of the Sun,” the 52-year-old Mr. Garratt said, referring to the anniversary of the birth of North Korea’s founder, Kim Il-sung. “I think China has tightened up [since the sanctions], but you can’t really see that from here.”
Dandong bustles with commerce, while across the water the North Korean city of Sinuiju sits silent and dark despite its designation a decade ago as a “special administrative region” where Chinese-style economic reforms were to have been introduced.
The Friendship Bridge was closed Monday and Tuesday, but a line of trucks was already forming Tuesday afternoon at the customs office on the Chinese side of the border in expectation of crossing Wednesday. Some carried bags of rice, others refrigerators. Also in line to cross was a gasoline truck, five new Chinese-made BYD sedans, plus half a dozen construction vehicles.
Traders say that what isn’t crossing, for now, is anything that could be seen as useful to the North Korean military. “The sanctions are very serious,” said Qin, a 66-year-old truck driver who has been driving back and forth across the Friendship Bridge since the 1990s. “Before, things like chemical products and pipes and steel were very common. Now, very few of these things are going across and the main products going in are fertilizer, washing powder, cooking oil, daily things. It’s all civilian trade. If there are any forbidden things, they have to be smuggled.”
As for luxury goods, which were specifically targeted by the new sanctions, those appear tougher to stop. Truck drivers say luxury items never flowed in bulk across the Friendship Bridge, but rather were hand-carried into the country by North Koreans who came to shop in Dandong’s markets.
And in this shady frontier city – packed with spies, smugglers and missionaries – you can find whatever it is you’re looking for, if you have the money. The Chinese side of the Yalu River is lined with neon-advertised hotels, massage parlours and karaoke joints.
Stores selling Apple products are a favourite stop for visiting North Koreans, as are shops selling big-screen televisions. Liquor outlets are also popular. “They come in here and buy red wines and brandy, the cheaper the better,” said a saleswoman in Tesco, a British supermarket chain that is famous in Dandong as the place North Koreans go to stuff their bags before returning home where such things are scarce and expensive.
Efforts to crack down on the flow of money into North Korea – where few besides those connected to the regime have hard-currency bank accounts – seem half-hearted.
China made a show of closing the local branch of the Kwangson Bank (listed in United Nations’ documents as the Foreign Trade Bank) earlier this year after the United States designated it a “key financial node in North Korea’s weapons-of-mass-destruction apparatus.” But other banks in Dandong said they were still able to send cash directly to accounts in Pyongyang. “We haven’t received notice to stop any of our services,” an employee of the China Construction Bank, which has known ties to the Kwangson Bank, told The Globe and Mail.
Since sanctions were tightened and the crisis began, one thing has changed: It has become harder for those wishing to flee North Korea to leave. Christian groups involved in helping North Koreans escape into China, usually en route to South Korea, say that the security situation is such that they’ve largely had to suspend their efforts during the past two months.
“Along the border between North Korea and China, there is much more security,” one Christian activist said. “In the past, you could bribe your way past the soldiers, but now, because of the security situation, they dare not allow anyone in or out.”
tomahawk6 said:Kim Jong Un is taking his marching orders from his aunt and uncle.He's the face of the regime at 27 and needs to be seen as up to the task.Right now its the same old game of racheting up the rhetoric and then victory was be announced and the game will abate for awhile.
Possible radioactive traces found from North Korea nuclear test
Reuters
By Fredrik Dahl | Reuters – 12 hours ago.
VIENNA (Reuters) - Radioactive gases that could have come from North Korea's nuclear test in February have unexpectedly been detected, a global monitoring body said on Tuesday, possibly providing the first "smoking gun" evidence of the explosion.
But the April 9 measurement - almost two months after Pyongyang said it had carried out the underground detonation - gave no indication of whether plutonium or highly enriched uranium was used, it said.
The time that had passed before the so-called noble gases were picked up made it "very difficult" to distinguish between the two fissile materials, said spokeswoman Annika Thunborg of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty Organisation (CTBTO).
The isolated east Asian state is believed to have tested plutonium bombs in its previous two such blasts, in 2006 and 2009. Any switch to uranium would increase international alarm as it could enable Pyongyang to greatly expand its arsenal.
North Korea threatened nuclear attacks on the United States, South Korea and Japan after new U.N. sanctions were imposed in response to its latest atomic test. But U.S. officials have cast serious doubt on whether it could launch a nuclear missile.
Pyongyang's third nuclear test was registered virtually instantaneously via seismic signals around the world. But no radioactive traces that would have constituted conclusive proof were found in the immediate weeks afterwards.
The Vienna-based CTBTO, which has a worldwide network of monitoring stations, said in mid-March that it was highly unlikely any such radioactivity would be detected.
But Tuesday's statement said it made a significant detection of radioactive noble gases two weeks ago in Takasaki, Japan, about 1,000 km (620 miles) from the test site. Lower levels were picked up at another station in Ussuriysk, Russia.
"Two radioactive isotopes of the noble gas xenon were identified, xenon-131m and xenon-133, which provide reliable information on the nuclear nature of the source," it said.
"Detection of radioactive noble gas more than seven weeks after an event is indeed unusual. We did not expect this and it did not happen in 2009," the CTBTO added, referring to the reclusive country's previous nuclear test.
(...)
The group said, however, that the discovery couldn’t help it answer the key question of whether Pyongyang used plutonium or uranium in the blast.
North Korea used plutonium in its 2006 and 2009 tests and any discovery that it used highly enriched uranium for its third test would mark a significant technological step for the impoverished and unpredictable regime.
It would also raise international concerns that North Korea might pass on weapons-grade uranium.
First let me straighten you out on plutonium and uranium. I have a PhD in nuclear physics, and built Nuclear weapons for a living. Plutonium is the by product of refined Uranium. Uranium is mined out of the ground, then processed into weapon grade plutonium, Uranium is not used in the nuclear device, it is plutonium which was used in both A bombs that were used in WWII. There are different grades of plutonium depending on how much refining is done to it. the more pure the uranium is refined into plutonium also determines the yield of explosive power that is produced when the the nuclear device is detonated. like the A bombs we used in Japan had a yield of 1 mega ton each. because the Technology has come so far we now have nuclear devices that have 65 kilo tons of energy.
Gringo2 said:I dont understand the uranium weapon grade thing... If i follow the explaination of a PhD he says that plutonium bombs are made after uranium. In the article they say that North Korea used plutonium bombs during their tests in 2006 and 2009. It would be very nice if someone explain me the new concern with this news.
Sources: http://ca.answers.yahoo.com/question/index?qid=20090412190319AAK3h8m
A Complex Calculus: China’s North Korea Dilemma
It remains in Beijing’s self-interest to provide aid to Pyongyang. The alternatives, like a North Korean collapse, could be far worse.
By Julia Famularo and Timothy Rich
April 30, 2013
It appears that China is growing exasperated with instability on the Korean Peninsula. Former U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Kurt Campbell recently remarked that “The most important new ingredient [in the North Korean crisis] has been a recognition in China that their previous approach to North Korea is not bearing fruit. That they are going to have to be much clearer and much more direct with Pyongyang that what Pyongyang is doing is undermining Chinese security…. There is a subtle shift in Chinese foreign policy. You’ve seen it at the U.N., you’ve seen it in our private conservations… I don’t think that subtle shift can be lost on Pyongyang. It’s not in their strategic interest to alienate every country that surrounds them. I think they have succeeded in undermining their trust and confidence in Beijing.” U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Susan Rice similarly stated that the Chinese are “very much of the view that Kim Jong-un has gone too far, and that this now is a situation that has the potential to directly threaten their interests in the region.”
In fact, China has already agreed to two rounds of sanctions, and China and North Korea have failed to hold high-level talks since December 2012. (It is nevertheless rumored that Chinese envoy Wu Dawei may soon travel to Pyongyang. Last week, Wu traveled to Washington to meet with Glyn Davis, his American counterpart, and pressed for a return to the six-party talks.) However, according to a report by the Council on Foreign Relations, China sees little of its nearly $6 billion in bilateral trade with North Korea affected by the UN sanctions, given that it characterizes the trade partnership as furthering economic development and humanitarian work. It also remains unclear whether China adequately enforces the existing sanctions regime. Yet, in a positive sign, South Korean Foreign Minister Yun Byung-se has reported that “we hear that China already instructed… local governments to implement the resolution… So, I think China is playing its role rather well.”
Speaking at the Boao Economic Forum for Asia on April 7, Chinese President Xi Jinping remarked that “The international community should advocate… [a] vision of comprehensive security and cooperative security, so as to turn the global village into a big stage for common development rather than an arena where gladiators fight each other. And no one should be allowed to throw the region, or even the whole world, into chaos for selfish gains.” Many observers viewed the comments as a direct reference to the escalating tensions on the Korean Peninsula. In a conversation with UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi similarly stated that the People’s Republic of China “oppose(s) provocative words and actions from any party in the region and do[es] not allow troublemaking on China's doorstep.”
Beijing University professor Wang Xinsheng, a Northeast Asia historian, argues that the president’s speech sent a “clear message” to the DPRK and was among the “toughest remarks” made by any Chinese leader to date. Yet, at the same time, other experts are arguing that recent government statements are also a warning to the United States and its allies. Minzu University Korean studies professor Huang Youfu argues that Washington and Tokyo have used tensions in Northeast Asia “as an excuse to deploy cutting-edge weapons” there. Tsinghua University Sino-American relations specialist Sun Zhe furthermore argues that the United States should not make unreasonable requests of China. Beijing cannot sever its economic ties with Pyongyang because the consequences would harm both countries. He believes that Washington should cease joint military exercises with Seoul and offer to negotiate directly with Pyongyang to reduce regional tensions. “[U.S. politicians] are asking China to do something very serious, and yet the U.S. government won’t make even a symbolic move like stopping military drills.”
China released its new defense white paper on April 16th. It accused the United States, without directly naming it, of causing greater tensions and instability in the Asia-Pacific region by bolstering military alliances and increasing troop numbers. American policy has stoked the territorial ambitions of the Japanese, Fillipinos, and Vietnamese, forcing China to confront “multiple and complicated security threats.” According to Chinese government spokesman Yang Yujun, “Certain efforts made to highlight the military agenda, enhance military deployment and also strengthen alliances are not in line with the calling of the times and are not conducive to the upholding of peace and stability in the region.”
Chinese Netizen Reactions
Following Pyongyang’s February nuclear test and more recent provocations, many Chinese netizens have voiced their opinions regarding their country’s continued support for North Korea. Supporters, detractors, and even the infamous 50-cent party have all weighed into the debate.
Prominent pundit and former Yahoo China executive Xie Wen took to his Sina Weibo microblog to call upon his government to dramatically change its policy toward the DPRK. Specifically, he said that “Beijing should sever the Sino-North Korean Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation, and Mutual Assistance; cease providing free aid; suspend military cooperation; recall the Chinese ambassador; expel North Korean citizens engaged in drug trafficking, arms trafficking, or counterfeiting; and refuse to provide preferential treatment to North Korea in the Chinese media.”
A Chinese lawyer also posted his frustrations online regarding illicit North Korean activities in China. Chi Suma lamented that some people still refuse to believe that the “Kim Dynasty” not only controls an illicit drug production and distribution network, but also overruns China’s three northeastern provinces with drugs. “So many families broken and people dead, and so many people sentenced to long jail time or the death penalty…. We give North Korea free rice and they give us drugs.”
A former Yunnan Province education official named Luo Chongmin remarked that only Chinese aid has hitherto prevented the DPRK from collapsing. “The aid helps to feed North Korea’s army and government, but starve its people.”
Many netizens likened the DPRK to a rabid canine. One commenter asked “I wonder if our government will do anything specific in response or to sanction North Korea’s dictator, other than protesting. If nurturing a tiger is to invite a calamity, what about nurturing a mad dog?” Similarly, another remarked that “Mao raised a dog to watch the door. Turns out the dog is crazy.”
However, it appears that the Chinese Communist Party still shows little tolerance for officials and members of the state-run media speaking out against its stance on the DPRK. Deng Yuwen, the prominent political commentator and deputy editor of Central Party School journal Study Times, was suspended from his position after he wrote a critical article in The Financial Times. Deng argued that China should abandon Pyongyang and pursue unification of the Korean peninsula. Netizens nevertheless actively discussed his fate, demonstrating once again that despite draconian censorship, domestic microblogs remain an important way to disseminate information and discuss current events.
Official Chinese Attitudes Toward North Korea
Following the collapse of the USSR in 1991, Pyongyang lost a major communist ally and benefactor. Beijing then recognized Seoul the next year. Taken together, these events dealt harsh economic and psychological blows to the Kim Il-sung’s regime. Compounding North Korea’s sense of growing isolation and insecurity during the 1990s was the advent of South Korean democratization and its “economic miracle,” as well as the emergence of the United States as the world’s sole superpower. Although Pyongyang increasingly relied on Beijing for its survival, the regimes were no longer as “close as lips and teeth.” The trust deficit has continued to grow over time.
An editorial published in different state-media outlets directly after the third DPRK nuclear test in February attempted to explain North Korea’s recent actions. Although it was “unwise and regrettable” for Pyongyang to repeatedly defy UN resolutions and threaten international peace with its nuclear program, it argued that North Korean provocations are “deeply rooted in its strong sense of insecurity after years of confrontation with South Korea, Japan, and a militarily more superior United States. In the eyes of the DPRK, Washington has spared no efforts to contain it and flexed its military muscle time and again by holding joint military drills with South Korea and Japan in the region. The latest nuclear test is apparently another manifestation of the attempt of a desperate DPRK to keep threat at bay.” The editorial counseled all sides to continue to engage in dialogue and negotiations, using the six-party talks as a mechanism to defuse the crisis.
Conversely, a senior editor from The People’s Daily published a new editorial calling upon North Korea to follow the example of Myanmar. Ding Gang argues that Western sanctions on Myanmar “suffocated” its economy and increased its dependence on the People’s Republic of China. At the same time, China supplied Myanmar with aid and invested in its infrastructure, benefiting the local people. He cites these factors as the reasons why Myanmar finally reformed and opened up to the world. Calling the “revival” of Myanmar beneficial for China, ASEAN, and other countries in the region, he asserts that China should further encourage North Korea to reform and develop so that it may follow a similar path.
Beijing’s concerns over an unruly neighbor are nothing new. For many centuries, China has feared instability along its borders. The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea has served as a useful buffer state following the Korean War, putting distance between the People’s Republic of China and U.S. troops stationed in the Republic of Korea and Japan. It has remained in China’s advantage to defend against any major form of political, economic, or social instability in North Korea that could negatively affect China.
For example, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and a host of Western nations have criticized China for refusing to adhere to the international principle of non-refoulement. The 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol protect those who are “unable or unwilling to return to their country of origin owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group, or political opinion.” China refuses to recognize the rights of North Korean refugees. It labels them “economic migrants” and repatriates them to their home country, knowing full well that they face severe punishment. Yet, China does so because it fears that softening its stance on refugees could cause a flood of North Koreans to cross into its territory, triggering possible instability in both countries.
Many Western observers also wonder why China has remained hesitant to severely restrict aid to North Korea. Simply put, it remains in China’s own self-interest to provide humanitarian, economic, military, and energy assistance as well as push for limited market reforms. A severely weakened yet nuclear-armed North Korean regime could lash out in desperation and/or potentially collapse, which could also prompt North Koreans to pour across the Chinese border. Even worse, a major conflict or regime collapse could signal the return of American troops or allied forces above the 38th parallel, perhaps for years to come if the North is occupied or absorbed into a unified Korea under Southern control. China has long feared that the United States and its allies seek to encircle or contain China, and therefore wants to ensure the continued viability of the North Korean regime.
Thus, although Beijing has more leverage over Pyongyang than Washington, Georgetown Professor Victor Cha argues that the Chinese government is similarly “faced with the choices of rhetorical pressure, quiet diplomacy, and mild sanctions. As long as China continues to value stability on the peninsula more than it worries about a few nuclear weapons, it will not fundamentally change its policy towards its unruly neighbor.”
North Korea missiles moved away from launch site: U.S. officials
By Phil Stewart | Reuters – 8 hours ago.
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - North Korea has taken two Musudan missiles off launch-ready status and moved them from their position on the country's east coast, U.S. officials told Reuters on Monday, after weeks of concern that Pyongyang had been poised for a test-launch.
U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry warned North Korea last month that it would be a "huge mistake" to launch the medium-range missiles, but the prospects of a test had put Seoul, Washington and Toyko on edge.
One U.S. official, speaking on condition of anonymity, cautioned that the missiles were still mobile and the fact that they had been moved was no guarantee they would not be set up elsewhere and fired at some point.
(...)
Did a Female North Korean Traffic Cop Save Kim Jong-un from Assassination?
... that footage from the ceremony in Pyongyang in front of Ri's fellow officers and military personnel is really something. But the propaganda machine doesn't tell us much more about why this ordinary traffic policewoman received such a high honor — beyond those two very mysterious phrases: "unexpected circumstance" and "safeguarding the security of the headquarters." As Agence France Presse points out, traffic cops doing their job to the utmost capacity tend not to receive this prize from the state:
The "Hero of the Republic" award is usually reserved for heroic acts during wartime, although it is also given to individuals who have made a major contribution to the country's advancement.
Recently, a large number were given to scientists and technicians involved in the North's long-range rocket launch in December and February's nuclear test.
Well, assuming this woman is not a secret nuclear rocket scientist hiding out in a police uniform, what could she have done to be honored for such an outstanding life during wartime? (It's pretty much always considered wartime in North Korea.) There's this, from her traffic cop boss, according to state TV: "Comrade Ri's action was not made possible by pure accident, but made possible because she had always harboured this longing for the respected leader day and night." And then comes the big juicy guess, from the secretary general of defector group NK Intellectuals Solidarity, speaking with the AFP:
"I suspect it might have been linked to an assassination attempt disguised as a traffic accident."
That same defector, Park Kun-Ha, said that someone of Ri's stature receiving this honor was "very rare." Turns out assassination attempts are not: Earlier this month, The Week reminded us that assassination attempts involving cars and staged accidents are far from unheard of in North Korea.
Indeed, there was apparently an assassination attempt just last year involving a car, a secret North Korean agent in China, and the life of Kim Jong-nam — the oldest brother of Kim Jong-un whom the Supreme Leader doesn't like very much: "South Korean officials claimed to have captured a North Korean agent who'd been ordered to kill Jong Nam by staging a car accident in China. Jong Nam fled Macau, and is now thought to be in hiding in Singapore," The Week's team wrote.
So could that woman breaking down above have foiled a similar plot against the young propagandist-in-chief himself? Or did Ri pull Kim Jong-un out of a burning Maybach with her gloved hands? Who knows? But your best guess is probably just as believable as some other North Korean propaganda out there.