- Reaction score
- 6
- Points
- 430
An interesting (though lengthy) article from the New Yorker on the war in Iraq and the usefulness of "unofficial" military internet sites:
BATTLE LESSONS
What the generals don't know
by DAN BAUM
The New Yorker.
During the early weeks of the Iraq war, the television set in my office was
tuned all day to CNN, with the sound muted. On the morning of April 3rd, as
the Army and the Marines were closing in on Baghdad, I happened to look up
at what appeared to be a disaster in the making. A small unit of American
soldiers was walking along a street in Najaf when hundreds of Iraqis poured
out of the buildings on either side. Fists waving, throats taut, they
pressed in on the Americans, who glanced at one another in terror. I reached
for the remote and turned up the sound. The Iraqis were shrieking, frantic
with rage. From the way the lens was lurching, the cameraman seemed as
frightened as the soldiers. This is it, I thought. A shot will come from
somewhere, the Americans will open fire, and the world will witness the My
Lai massacre of the Iraq war. At that moment, an American officer stepped
through the crowd holding his rifle high over his head with the barrel
pointed to the ground. Against the backdrop of the seething crowd, it was a
striking gesture-almost Biblical. "Take a knee," the officer said, impassive
behind surfer sunglasses. The soldiers looked at him as if he were crazy.
Then, one after another, swaying in their bulky body armor and gear, they
knelt before the boiling crowd and pointed their guns at the ground. The
Iraqis fell silent, and their anger subsided. The officer ordered his men to
withdraw.
It took two months to track down Lieutenant Colonel Chris Hughes, who by
then had been rotated home. He called from his father's house, in Red Oak,
Iowa, en route to study at the Army War College, in Pennsylvania. I wanted
to know who had taught him to tame a crowd by pointing his rifle muzzle down
and having his men kneel. Were those gestures peculiar to Iraq? To Islam? My
questions barely made sense to Hughes. In an unassuming, persistent Iowa
tone, he assured me that nobody had prepared him for an angry crowd in an
Arab country, much less the tribal complexities of Najaf. Army officers
learn in a general way to use a helicopter's rotor wash to drive away a
crowd, he explained. Or they fire warning shots. "Problem with that is, the
next thing you have to do is shoot them in the chest." Hughes had been
trying that day to get in touch with Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, a
delicate task that the Army considered politically crucial. American gunfire
would have made it impossible. The Iraqis already felt that the Americans
were disrespecting their mosque. The obvious solution, to Hughes, was a
gesture of respect.
Hughes made it sound obvious, but, shortly before the Americans invaded
Iraq, the Army had concluded that its officers lacked the ability to do
precisely what he did: innovate and think creatively. In 2000, the new Army
Chief of Staff, General Eric Shinseki, was determined to shake up the Army
and suspected that about half of a soldier's training was meaningless and
"non-essential." The job of figuring out which half went to Lieutenant
Colonel Leonard Wong (retired), a research professor of military strategy at
the Army War College. At forty-five, Wong is handsome and voluble, with the
air of a man who makes his living prodding the comfortable. Wong found that
the problem was not "bogus" training exercises but worthwhile training being
handled in such a way as to stifle fresh thinking. The Army had so loaded
training schedules with doctrinaire requirements and standardized procedures
that unit commanders had no time-or need-to think for themselves. The
service was encouraging "reactive instead of proactive thought, compliance
instead of creativity, and adherence instead of audacity," Wong wrote in his
report. As one captain put it to him, "They're giving me the egg and telling
me how to suck it."
Wong's findings impressed Shinseki, who in February of 2001 sent him into
the lion's den of a two-star generals' conference to present his research.
Some of the generals were suspicious, others openly hostile. "I sympathize,"
Wong told me. "When you allow people to innovate and to lead, you invite
failure." Wong's report generated no policy changes, but, by stating plainly
what many knew instinctively, it started the Army thinking about how to free
up its junior officers' decision-making.
Then came Iraq. Every war is different from the last, with its own special
learning curve, but there is a growing sense within the Army that Iraq
signals something more significant. In the American Civil War, Army manuals
taught Napoleonic tactics, like close-order formations, even though they
were suicidal against rifled muskets that could kill accurately at three
hundred yards. In the First World War, the French, British, and German
troops persisted in attempting to storm trenches before recognizing the
defensive supremacy of the machine gun. In Iraq, the Army's marquee
high-tech weapons are often sidelined while the enemy kills and maims
Americans with bombs wired to garage-door openers or doorbells. Even more
important, the Army is facing an enemy whose motivation it doesn't
understand. "I don't think there's one single person in the Army or the
intelligence community that can break down the demographics of the enemy
we're facing," an Airborne captain named Daniel Morgan told me. "You can't
tell whether you're dealing with a former Baathist, a common criminal, a
foreign terrorist, or devout believers."
Wong flew to Baghdad last April, a year after the supposed cessation of
"major combat operations," to find out how the "reactive" and "compliant"
junior officers the Army had trained were performing amid the insurgency. He
and an active-duty officer flew to bases all over Iraq, interviewing
lieutenants, who lead platoons of about thirty soldiers, and captains, who
command companies of one to two hundred. These officers, scrambling to bring
order to Mosul, Fallujah, and Baghdad, had been trained and equipped to
fight against numbered, mechanized regiments in open-maneuver warfare. They
had been taught to avoid fighting in cities at all costs. Few had received
pre-deployment training in improvised explosive devices, or I.E.D.s, the
insurgents' signature weapon. None had received any but the most rudimentary
instruction in the Arabic language or in Iraqi culture. They were perhaps
the most isolated occupation force in history; there are no bars or brothels
in Baghdad where Americans can relax, no place off the base for Americans to
remove their body armor in the presence of locals. Every encounter was
potentially hostile. The chronic shortage of troops and shifting phases of
fighting and reconstruction forced soldiers into jobs for which they weren't
prepared; Wong found field artillerymen, tankers, and engineers serving as
infantrymen, while infantrymen were building sewer systems and running town
councils. All were working with what Wong calls "a surprising lack of
detailed guidance from higher headquarters." In short, the Iraq that Wong
found is precisely the kind of unpredictable environment in which a cohort
of hidebound and inflexible officers would prove disastrous.
Yet he found the opposite. Platoon and company commanders were exercising
their initiative to the point of occasional genius. Whatever else the Iraq
war is doing to American power and prestige, it is producing the creative
and flexible junior officers that the Army's training could not.
There may be a generational explanation. While most high-ranking officers
are baby boomers, most lieutenants and captains are of Generation X, born in
the mid-sixties or after. Gen X officers, often the product of single-parent
homes or homes in which both parents worked, are markedly more self-reliant
and confident of their abilities than their baby-boomer superiors, according
to Army surveys of both groups. Baby boomers moved up the ranks during the
comfortable clarity of the Cold War, but the Gen Xers came of age during
messy peacekeeping missions in Kosovo, Bosnia, Somalia, and Haiti. Gen Xers
are notoriously unimpressed by rank, as Donald Rumsfeld discovered in
December, when enlisted soldiers questioned him sharply about the lack of
armor on their vehicles. This turns out to be a positive development for the
Army, because the exigencies of the Iraq war are forcing the decision-making
downward; tank captains tell of being handed authority, mid-battle, for
tasks that used to be reserved for colonels, such as directing helicopter
close-air support.
The younger officers have another advantage over their superiors: they grew
up with the Internet, and have created for themselves, in their spare time,
a means of sharing with one another, online, information that the Army does
not control. The "slackers" in the junior-officer corps are turning out to
be just what the Army needs in the chaos of Iraq. Instead of looking up to
the Army for instructions, they are teaching themselves how to fight the
war. The Army, to its credit, stays out of their way.
Prior to the Second World War, officers heading into combat buttonholed
veterans or gleaned what they could over evening beers at the Officers' Club
to fill holes in their training. After Guadalcanal, the Army knocked
together the insights of soldiers in combat and published them in cheap
newsprint booklets called "The Mailing List." The booklets were imprecise,
slow to arrive in the field, and unidirectional. "Teach not to waste
ammunition," wrote one Marine colonel. "The Japanese fire is not always
aimed," a sergeant wrote. "It is harassing fire and scares recruits." The
system for recycling combat experience didn't improve much for the next
forty years.
Then, in October, 1983, came Operation Urgent Fury, against the government
of Grenada, which should have been relatively straightforward but instead
was a mess. Communications were so poor that soldiers had to rely on pay
phones. Intelligence was so spotty that troops used tourist maps to find
their way around the island. Nineteen service members died in the operation,
some needlessly. In response, the Army opened the Center for Army Lessons
Learned-or call-at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. call was supposed to gather and
distribute more efficiently the insights that soldiers glean from battle.
Colonel Larry Saul, who says he is "one of about a hundred Vietnam vets
still on active duty," is call's director. Dark-haired at fifty-four, he
shares with most of his colleagues a strikingly direct manner of speaking.
For efficiency of conversation, Army officers are tough to beat. Trained to
convey critical information under stress, they enunciate like radio
announcers, in complete, unhesitating sentences. Moreover, they tend to be
good listeners, with a refreshing ability-and willingness-to get to the nub
of a difficult issue. Ask an Army officer a painful question and he or she
will answer it, provided it doesn't involve secrets, with a kind of Boy
Scout candor all but unknown in, say, the corporate or political realm. I
asked Saul what lessons the Army has learned in Iraq, and he said, "Not
much, because lessons learned, in past tense, means you've modified
behavior. Until you demonstrate changed behavior, you haven't learned a
lesson."
In its early days, the lessons came not from combat but from the training
centers in California and Louisiana where troops go to experience a week or
two of lifelike combat. call would ask trainers what mistakes were being
repeated and would write up the results in four bulletins a year, which were
then filed away and largely forgotten. The Web changed everything. During
the battles of Bosnia and Kosovo, in 1993 and 1999, call placed
"embeds"-full-time liaison officers-with the soldiers; it now has two in
Afghanistan and five in Iraq, and also receives a flood of daily "after
action reviews" from line officers. The reviews contain tips on everything
from running field kitchens to avoiding mortar attacks. At Fort Leavenworth,
thirty analysts, all of them military retirees, digest the reviews, identify
trends, and reconcile the lessons with established Army doctrine. call still
distributes lessons on paper-in binders, in booklets designed to fit in the
cargo pocket of a soldier's fatigues, and on plasticized pocket cards. But
the centerpiece of call is its Web site, which is restricted to military
personnel, Defense Department civilians, and coalition allies. Mostly,
officers use it before they are deployed, to train soldiers in Iraq-specific
tactics. One call lesson on I.E.D..s, for example, opens with a video-game
graphic of a Humvee hitting a mine and being fired upon by guerrillas: men
scream, blood splatters. The segment ends with a cartoon sergeant grading
the answers to a test: "That's a go, soldier!" or "No go, soldier!" "Some of
our soldiers are nineteen years old," Colonel Saul explained. "This has to
be aimed at them." When call wants to distribute highly sensitive material,
it uses the Secret Internet Protocol Router Network, or siprnet. siprnet is
walled off from the civilian Internet; its messages travel over separate
wires, and only special computers can reach it. (In Iraq, it is available at
the battalion level, but rarely at the company level.)
The Army is struggling to figure out the Iraq war even while it's up to its
neck in it. Lieutenant Colonel Ernie Benner is one of about eighty members
of the Joint I.E.D. Defeat Task Force, which the Defense Department created
in July to analyze the insurgents' maddeningly simple yet deadly homemade
bombs. "There is no technology silver bullet," Benner told me when we spoke
in a windowless conference room at the Pentagon. The task force posts on
siprnet intelligence that it gathers from all four military services and a
hundred and thirty-three different government and private agencies, ranging
from the F.B.I. and the Agency for International Development to Kellogg
Brown & Root. It uses F.B.I.-style forensics on bombs and fragments to trace
their makers and financiers, and it looks for techniques that soldiers can
use to spot and disarm them. I.E.D.s first appeared in large numbers along
roadsides during an insurgent offensive in Baghdad, in November, 2003,
during Ramadan, Benner said. They have also been found in the carcasses of
dogs, in venders' carts, and strapped behind highway guardrails. Benner
showed me a picture of a road sign that had a big bomb hidden inside it. The
sign read "Welcome to Fallujah." Lately, suicide bombers have driven I.E.D.s
into control points and Iraqi police stations, and, in September, the
tactics for delivering I.E.D.s mutated into what Benner calls
moving-vehicle-on-moving-vehicle attacks: a car zips between two vehicles in
a rolling convoy and explodes. "The field team investigated and wrote up
what tactics, techniques, and procedures could defeat that," Benner said,
"and within twenty-four hours they were disseminated into training for units
going to Iraq."
The problem with both call and the I.E.D. Task Force is that their
information is as unidirectional as "The Mailing List" in the Second World
War. The Army identifies a need, prepares a response, and hands it down from
the top. Officers in the field can e-mail questions to call, and usually get
a response within twenty-four hours, but most officers told me that the
information often seems stale or, having been processed in the maw of Army
doctrine, irrelevant. The war in Iraq is so confusing and it changes so fast
that there's often no time to wait for carefully vetted and spoon-fed
advice. So officers look for help elsewhere.
Majors Nate Allen and Tony Burgess became friends at West Point in the
nineteen-eighties, and at the end of the nineties they found themselves
commanding companies in separate battalions in the same Hawaii-based
brigade. Commanding a company is often described as the best job in the
Army; a company is big enough to be powerful and small enough to be
intimate. But the daily puzzles a company commander faces, even in
peacetime, are dizzying, and both Allen and Burgess felt isolated. "If I had
a good idea about how to do something, there was no natural way to share
it," Allen said. "I'd have to pass it up, and it would have to be blessed
two levels above me, and then passed down to Tony." Luckily, they lived next
door to each other and spent many evenings sitting on Allen's front porch
comparing notes. "How are things going with your first sergeant?" one would
ask. Or "How are you dealing with the wives?" "At some point, we realized
this conversation was having a positive impact on our units, and we wanted
to pass it along," Allen told me. They wrote a book about commanding a
company, "Taking the Guidon," which they posted on a Web site. Because of
the Internet, what had started as a one-way transfer of information-a
book-quickly became a conversation.
"Once you start a project, amazing people start to join," Allen said. Among
them was a captain based at West Point who was familiar with a Web site
called Alloutdoors.com, which lets sportsmen post questions and solicit
advice about everything from how to skin a squirrel by yanking on its tail
to how to call a turkey by blowing on a wing bone. Burgess and Allen liked
the Alloutdoors model, which allows for lots of unmediated, real-time
cross-chat and debate.. They figured that such a site for company commanders
would replicate, in cyberspace, their front porch.
In March of 2000, with the help of a Web-savvy West Point classmate and
their own savings, they put up a site on the civilian Internet called
Companycommand.com. It didn't occur to them to ask the Army for permission
or support. Companycommand was an affront to protocol. The Army way was to
monitor and vet every posting to prevent secrets from being revealed, but
Allen and Burgess figured that captains were smart enough to police
themselves and not compromise security. Soon after the site went up, a
lieutenant colonel phoned one of the Web site's operators and advised them
to get a lawyer, because he didn't want to see "good officers crash and
burn." A year later, Allen and Burgess started a second Web site, for
lieutenants, Platoonleader.org.
Part 2 follows .....
BATTLE LESSONS
What the generals don't know
by DAN BAUM
The New Yorker.
During the early weeks of the Iraq war, the television set in my office was
tuned all day to CNN, with the sound muted. On the morning of April 3rd, as
the Army and the Marines were closing in on Baghdad, I happened to look up
at what appeared to be a disaster in the making. A small unit of American
soldiers was walking along a street in Najaf when hundreds of Iraqis poured
out of the buildings on either side. Fists waving, throats taut, they
pressed in on the Americans, who glanced at one another in terror. I reached
for the remote and turned up the sound. The Iraqis were shrieking, frantic
with rage. From the way the lens was lurching, the cameraman seemed as
frightened as the soldiers. This is it, I thought. A shot will come from
somewhere, the Americans will open fire, and the world will witness the My
Lai massacre of the Iraq war. At that moment, an American officer stepped
through the crowd holding his rifle high over his head with the barrel
pointed to the ground. Against the backdrop of the seething crowd, it was a
striking gesture-almost Biblical. "Take a knee," the officer said, impassive
behind surfer sunglasses. The soldiers looked at him as if he were crazy.
Then, one after another, swaying in their bulky body armor and gear, they
knelt before the boiling crowd and pointed their guns at the ground. The
Iraqis fell silent, and their anger subsided. The officer ordered his men to
withdraw.
It took two months to track down Lieutenant Colonel Chris Hughes, who by
then had been rotated home. He called from his father's house, in Red Oak,
Iowa, en route to study at the Army War College, in Pennsylvania. I wanted
to know who had taught him to tame a crowd by pointing his rifle muzzle down
and having his men kneel. Were those gestures peculiar to Iraq? To Islam? My
questions barely made sense to Hughes. In an unassuming, persistent Iowa
tone, he assured me that nobody had prepared him for an angry crowd in an
Arab country, much less the tribal complexities of Najaf. Army officers
learn in a general way to use a helicopter's rotor wash to drive away a
crowd, he explained. Or they fire warning shots. "Problem with that is, the
next thing you have to do is shoot them in the chest." Hughes had been
trying that day to get in touch with Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, a
delicate task that the Army considered politically crucial. American gunfire
would have made it impossible. The Iraqis already felt that the Americans
were disrespecting their mosque. The obvious solution, to Hughes, was a
gesture of respect.
Hughes made it sound obvious, but, shortly before the Americans invaded
Iraq, the Army had concluded that its officers lacked the ability to do
precisely what he did: innovate and think creatively. In 2000, the new Army
Chief of Staff, General Eric Shinseki, was determined to shake up the Army
and suspected that about half of a soldier's training was meaningless and
"non-essential." The job of figuring out which half went to Lieutenant
Colonel Leonard Wong (retired), a research professor of military strategy at
the Army War College. At forty-five, Wong is handsome and voluble, with the
air of a man who makes his living prodding the comfortable. Wong found that
the problem was not "bogus" training exercises but worthwhile training being
handled in such a way as to stifle fresh thinking. The Army had so loaded
training schedules with doctrinaire requirements and standardized procedures
that unit commanders had no time-or need-to think for themselves. The
service was encouraging "reactive instead of proactive thought, compliance
instead of creativity, and adherence instead of audacity," Wong wrote in his
report. As one captain put it to him, "They're giving me the egg and telling
me how to suck it."
Wong's findings impressed Shinseki, who in February of 2001 sent him into
the lion's den of a two-star generals' conference to present his research.
Some of the generals were suspicious, others openly hostile. "I sympathize,"
Wong told me. "When you allow people to innovate and to lead, you invite
failure." Wong's report generated no policy changes, but, by stating plainly
what many knew instinctively, it started the Army thinking about how to free
up its junior officers' decision-making.
Then came Iraq. Every war is different from the last, with its own special
learning curve, but there is a growing sense within the Army that Iraq
signals something more significant. In the American Civil War, Army manuals
taught Napoleonic tactics, like close-order formations, even though they
were suicidal against rifled muskets that could kill accurately at three
hundred yards. In the First World War, the French, British, and German
troops persisted in attempting to storm trenches before recognizing the
defensive supremacy of the machine gun. In Iraq, the Army's marquee
high-tech weapons are often sidelined while the enemy kills and maims
Americans with bombs wired to garage-door openers or doorbells. Even more
important, the Army is facing an enemy whose motivation it doesn't
understand. "I don't think there's one single person in the Army or the
intelligence community that can break down the demographics of the enemy
we're facing," an Airborne captain named Daniel Morgan told me. "You can't
tell whether you're dealing with a former Baathist, a common criminal, a
foreign terrorist, or devout believers."
Wong flew to Baghdad last April, a year after the supposed cessation of
"major combat operations," to find out how the "reactive" and "compliant"
junior officers the Army had trained were performing amid the insurgency. He
and an active-duty officer flew to bases all over Iraq, interviewing
lieutenants, who lead platoons of about thirty soldiers, and captains, who
command companies of one to two hundred. These officers, scrambling to bring
order to Mosul, Fallujah, and Baghdad, had been trained and equipped to
fight against numbered, mechanized regiments in open-maneuver warfare. They
had been taught to avoid fighting in cities at all costs. Few had received
pre-deployment training in improvised explosive devices, or I.E.D.s, the
insurgents' signature weapon. None had received any but the most rudimentary
instruction in the Arabic language or in Iraqi culture. They were perhaps
the most isolated occupation force in history; there are no bars or brothels
in Baghdad where Americans can relax, no place off the base for Americans to
remove their body armor in the presence of locals. Every encounter was
potentially hostile. The chronic shortage of troops and shifting phases of
fighting and reconstruction forced soldiers into jobs for which they weren't
prepared; Wong found field artillerymen, tankers, and engineers serving as
infantrymen, while infantrymen were building sewer systems and running town
councils. All were working with what Wong calls "a surprising lack of
detailed guidance from higher headquarters." In short, the Iraq that Wong
found is precisely the kind of unpredictable environment in which a cohort
of hidebound and inflexible officers would prove disastrous.
Yet he found the opposite. Platoon and company commanders were exercising
their initiative to the point of occasional genius. Whatever else the Iraq
war is doing to American power and prestige, it is producing the creative
and flexible junior officers that the Army's training could not.
There may be a generational explanation. While most high-ranking officers
are baby boomers, most lieutenants and captains are of Generation X, born in
the mid-sixties or after. Gen X officers, often the product of single-parent
homes or homes in which both parents worked, are markedly more self-reliant
and confident of their abilities than their baby-boomer superiors, according
to Army surveys of both groups. Baby boomers moved up the ranks during the
comfortable clarity of the Cold War, but the Gen Xers came of age during
messy peacekeeping missions in Kosovo, Bosnia, Somalia, and Haiti. Gen Xers
are notoriously unimpressed by rank, as Donald Rumsfeld discovered in
December, when enlisted soldiers questioned him sharply about the lack of
armor on their vehicles. This turns out to be a positive development for the
Army, because the exigencies of the Iraq war are forcing the decision-making
downward; tank captains tell of being handed authority, mid-battle, for
tasks that used to be reserved for colonels, such as directing helicopter
close-air support.
The younger officers have another advantage over their superiors: they grew
up with the Internet, and have created for themselves, in their spare time,
a means of sharing with one another, online, information that the Army does
not control. The "slackers" in the junior-officer corps are turning out to
be just what the Army needs in the chaos of Iraq. Instead of looking up to
the Army for instructions, they are teaching themselves how to fight the
war. The Army, to its credit, stays out of their way.
Prior to the Second World War, officers heading into combat buttonholed
veterans or gleaned what they could over evening beers at the Officers' Club
to fill holes in their training. After Guadalcanal, the Army knocked
together the insights of soldiers in combat and published them in cheap
newsprint booklets called "The Mailing List." The booklets were imprecise,
slow to arrive in the field, and unidirectional. "Teach not to waste
ammunition," wrote one Marine colonel. "The Japanese fire is not always
aimed," a sergeant wrote. "It is harassing fire and scares recruits." The
system for recycling combat experience didn't improve much for the next
forty years.
Then, in October, 1983, came Operation Urgent Fury, against the government
of Grenada, which should have been relatively straightforward but instead
was a mess. Communications were so poor that soldiers had to rely on pay
phones. Intelligence was so spotty that troops used tourist maps to find
their way around the island. Nineteen service members died in the operation,
some needlessly. In response, the Army opened the Center for Army Lessons
Learned-or call-at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. call was supposed to gather and
distribute more efficiently the insights that soldiers glean from battle.
Colonel Larry Saul, who says he is "one of about a hundred Vietnam vets
still on active duty," is call's director. Dark-haired at fifty-four, he
shares with most of his colleagues a strikingly direct manner of speaking.
For efficiency of conversation, Army officers are tough to beat. Trained to
convey critical information under stress, they enunciate like radio
announcers, in complete, unhesitating sentences. Moreover, they tend to be
good listeners, with a refreshing ability-and willingness-to get to the nub
of a difficult issue. Ask an Army officer a painful question and he or she
will answer it, provided it doesn't involve secrets, with a kind of Boy
Scout candor all but unknown in, say, the corporate or political realm. I
asked Saul what lessons the Army has learned in Iraq, and he said, "Not
much, because lessons learned, in past tense, means you've modified
behavior. Until you demonstrate changed behavior, you haven't learned a
lesson."
In its early days, the lessons came not from combat but from the training
centers in California and Louisiana where troops go to experience a week or
two of lifelike combat. call would ask trainers what mistakes were being
repeated and would write up the results in four bulletins a year, which were
then filed away and largely forgotten. The Web changed everything. During
the battles of Bosnia and Kosovo, in 1993 and 1999, call placed
"embeds"-full-time liaison officers-with the soldiers; it now has two in
Afghanistan and five in Iraq, and also receives a flood of daily "after
action reviews" from line officers. The reviews contain tips on everything
from running field kitchens to avoiding mortar attacks. At Fort Leavenworth,
thirty analysts, all of them military retirees, digest the reviews, identify
trends, and reconcile the lessons with established Army doctrine. call still
distributes lessons on paper-in binders, in booklets designed to fit in the
cargo pocket of a soldier's fatigues, and on plasticized pocket cards. But
the centerpiece of call is its Web site, which is restricted to military
personnel, Defense Department civilians, and coalition allies. Mostly,
officers use it before they are deployed, to train soldiers in Iraq-specific
tactics. One call lesson on I.E.D..s, for example, opens with a video-game
graphic of a Humvee hitting a mine and being fired upon by guerrillas: men
scream, blood splatters. The segment ends with a cartoon sergeant grading
the answers to a test: "That's a go, soldier!" or "No go, soldier!" "Some of
our soldiers are nineteen years old," Colonel Saul explained. "This has to
be aimed at them." When call wants to distribute highly sensitive material,
it uses the Secret Internet Protocol Router Network, or siprnet. siprnet is
walled off from the civilian Internet; its messages travel over separate
wires, and only special computers can reach it. (In Iraq, it is available at
the battalion level, but rarely at the company level.)
The Army is struggling to figure out the Iraq war even while it's up to its
neck in it. Lieutenant Colonel Ernie Benner is one of about eighty members
of the Joint I.E.D. Defeat Task Force, which the Defense Department created
in July to analyze the insurgents' maddeningly simple yet deadly homemade
bombs. "There is no technology silver bullet," Benner told me when we spoke
in a windowless conference room at the Pentagon. The task force posts on
siprnet intelligence that it gathers from all four military services and a
hundred and thirty-three different government and private agencies, ranging
from the F.B.I. and the Agency for International Development to Kellogg
Brown & Root. It uses F.B.I.-style forensics on bombs and fragments to trace
their makers and financiers, and it looks for techniques that soldiers can
use to spot and disarm them. I.E.D.s first appeared in large numbers along
roadsides during an insurgent offensive in Baghdad, in November, 2003,
during Ramadan, Benner said. They have also been found in the carcasses of
dogs, in venders' carts, and strapped behind highway guardrails. Benner
showed me a picture of a road sign that had a big bomb hidden inside it. The
sign read "Welcome to Fallujah." Lately, suicide bombers have driven I.E.D.s
into control points and Iraqi police stations, and, in September, the
tactics for delivering I.E.D.s mutated into what Benner calls
moving-vehicle-on-moving-vehicle attacks: a car zips between two vehicles in
a rolling convoy and explodes. "The field team investigated and wrote up
what tactics, techniques, and procedures could defeat that," Benner said,
"and within twenty-four hours they were disseminated into training for units
going to Iraq."
The problem with both call and the I.E.D. Task Force is that their
information is as unidirectional as "The Mailing List" in the Second World
War. The Army identifies a need, prepares a response, and hands it down from
the top. Officers in the field can e-mail questions to call, and usually get
a response within twenty-four hours, but most officers told me that the
information often seems stale or, having been processed in the maw of Army
doctrine, irrelevant. The war in Iraq is so confusing and it changes so fast
that there's often no time to wait for carefully vetted and spoon-fed
advice. So officers look for help elsewhere.
Majors Nate Allen and Tony Burgess became friends at West Point in the
nineteen-eighties, and at the end of the nineties they found themselves
commanding companies in separate battalions in the same Hawaii-based
brigade. Commanding a company is often described as the best job in the
Army; a company is big enough to be powerful and small enough to be
intimate. But the daily puzzles a company commander faces, even in
peacetime, are dizzying, and both Allen and Burgess felt isolated. "If I had
a good idea about how to do something, there was no natural way to share
it," Allen said. "I'd have to pass it up, and it would have to be blessed
two levels above me, and then passed down to Tony." Luckily, they lived next
door to each other and spent many evenings sitting on Allen's front porch
comparing notes. "How are things going with your first sergeant?" one would
ask. Or "How are you dealing with the wives?" "At some point, we realized
this conversation was having a positive impact on our units, and we wanted
to pass it along," Allen told me. They wrote a book about commanding a
company, "Taking the Guidon," which they posted on a Web site. Because of
the Internet, what had started as a one-way transfer of information-a
book-quickly became a conversation.
"Once you start a project, amazing people start to join," Allen said. Among
them was a captain based at West Point who was familiar with a Web site
called Alloutdoors.com, which lets sportsmen post questions and solicit
advice about everything from how to skin a squirrel by yanking on its tail
to how to call a turkey by blowing on a wing bone. Burgess and Allen liked
the Alloutdoors model, which allows for lots of unmediated, real-time
cross-chat and debate.. They figured that such a site for company commanders
would replicate, in cyberspace, their front porch.
In March of 2000, with the help of a Web-savvy West Point classmate and
their own savings, they put up a site on the civilian Internet called
Companycommand.com. It didn't occur to them to ask the Army for permission
or support. Companycommand was an affront to protocol. The Army way was to
monitor and vet every posting to prevent secrets from being revealed, but
Allen and Burgess figured that captains were smart enough to police
themselves and not compromise security. Soon after the site went up, a
lieutenant colonel phoned one of the Web site's operators and advised them
to get a lawyer, because he didn't want to see "good officers crash and
burn." A year later, Allen and Burgess started a second Web site, for
lieutenants, Platoonleader.org.
Part 2 follows .....